Why Erzurum and Sivas Congresses Were So Important

After the Armistice of Mudros, signed on October 30, 1918, many parts of our country began to be occupied by the Allied Powers. With the start of the occupation, reactions from patriots emerged from all corners of the country. During this time, local organizations against the occupations accelerated. In the process that began with the occupations, many congresses were held in various parts of our country, from east to west, north to south. Most of these congresses were organized by the Societies for the Defense of Rights (Müdafaa-i Hukuk).

The number of congresses held in various parts of our country is 31… In some settlements, multiple congresses were held on different dates. This is why the number is so high… Congresses were held successively in Kars, Ardahan, Trabzon, İzmir, Erzurum, Balıkesir, Nazilli, Alaşehir, Muğla, Sivas, Edirne, Oltu, Lüleburgaz, Afyon, and Pozantı. The purpose of all these congresses was the same. So, why did the Erzurum and Sivas congresses stand out more?

Mustafa Kemal Pasha was the first to foresee that occupations would occur starting from the day Mudros was signed, and he communicated this foresight, issuing warnings to relevant authorities and some of his friends. He was the commander of the 7th Army in Syria when the agreement was signed. After the armistice, he became the Commander of the Yıldırım Army Group.

In the telegram he sent to the General Staff as Commander of the Yıldırım Army Group on November 3, 1918: “…Although the literal application of the second article of the armistice terms is natural, since there is no record in the Armistice Agreement regarding landing troops on this occasion, permission was not granted, and the negotiating officers returned on the ship they came on. (Atatürk’ün Bütün Eserleri, Kaynak Yayınları, Volume: 2, First Edition: May 1999, p.255)” it states. Mustafa Kemal Pasha sent back the French who came to occupy İskenderun, despite the agreement. In fact, with this stance, he announced to friends and foes alike that the occupations would not be accepted either by himself or by the nation.

Atatürk, on November 5, 1918, gave the following order to the units under his command: “I understand that the British intend to land troops in İskenderun under various pretexts and put the 7th Army units in a difficult situation. To prevent this, the 3rd Corps will prevent the landing of forces in İskenderun, and for the 20th Corps, it will obstruct the operation specified in the first article, even with fire if necessary, until it ends. (Same work, p.262)” It is also understood from what is described here that the Pasha has been opposing the occupations from the very beginning. He is trying to take measures within the scope of his capabilities in this regard.

“On the evening of 4.11.34 [November 4, 1918], in response to the British proposals regarding the occupation of İskenderun, the Division Commander replied that he would not permit the occupation of İskenderun, that ships arriving loaded would be obliged to wait in the harbor, that assistance would be given for sweeping torpedoes, but that the occupation of the İskenderun-Aleppo road would be prevented in any way whatsoever, and the British officer who came ashore for this meeting returned to the torpedo boat to report this answer to his superiors. According to the statement of the British negotiating officer, on 6.11.34 [November 6, 1918], military forces assigned to occupy İskenderun will arrive in İskenderun with ships full of provisions. (Same work, p.263)” Atatürk sent this telegram to the General Staff on November 5, 1918. As can be seen, he did not permit the occupation and resisted it.

In the same telegram: “A pursuit detachment has been dispatched from the 7th Army to track an Armenian gang that became active in the vicinity of İslahiye. (Same work, p.264)” With the Ottoman Empire accepting defeat and surrendering in the war, Armenian nationalists had completely run wild. These gangs, relying on imperialists, had started attacking Turkish villages. They wanted to tear off a part of our country. Even in an environment where things were thoroughly chaotic and in a mess, Atatürk did not shy away from taking measures against separatists. 

In the last part of the above telegram, M. Kemal Pasha states: “I request that it be conveyed that, in order not to be presented with a fait accompli like the Sixth Army, I have ordered the 20th Corps to withdraw to İslahiye by abandoning weak outposts and marching at night without the British noticing, and to prevent the British from landing in İskenderun with fire until this operation of the 20th Corps is completed. (Same work, p.264)” With these words, he demonstrated a resolute stance against the occupation and sought to withdraw the 29th Corps into Anatolia in some way.

“…And since there is no doubt that such terrible responses, which could eventually lead to the invasion of our entire country, will be repeated, I consider it my duty to convey the necessity of deeply considering the reasons I have presented. (Same work, p.279)” This is a section from the telegram he sent to Grand Vizier Ahmet İzzet Pasha on November 8, 1918. In these words, Atatürk states with great foresight that every part of our country would be occupied.

Gazi Pasha left his post on November 10, 1918, departing from Adana to go to Istanbul. Before leaving his post, he asked Ali Fuat Pasha to take the 20th Corps under his command to Konya. He advised him not to demobilize the soldiers and not to hand over weapons to the Allied forces. This corps later came to Ankara and, together with the 15th Corps under Karabekir's command in Erzurum, formed the steel core of the War of Independence.

Most of the high-ranking officers were aware of almost all of Atatürk's correspondence with the Grand Vizier and the General Staff as Commander of the Yıldırım Army Group. During that period, some commanders also opposed the occupations, just like Atatürk. However, in this process, Atatürk's name came to the forefront. Because he was the only general in the Ottoman army who had never suffered a defeat. Especially his heroism at Çanakkale, and his gaining superiority against the Russians on the Eastern Front and liberating Bitlis and Muş, increased confidence in him. For this reason, officers older and higher-ranking than him united under his leadership. He arrived in Istanbul on November 13, 1918. During the six months he stayed there, he spoke with many civilians and soldiers and exchanged views. He organized the liberation.

In the congresses held throughout our country, the war against occupations was discussed. In most of them, the liberation of their own regions was highlighted. Only delegates from their own localities attended these congresses. It had been announced in advance in the Amasya Circular that the Sivas Congress would be held. This circular also mentions participation in the Erzurum Congress.

The Erzurum Congress was organized by the Trabzon Society for the Preservation of National Rights (Muhafaza-i Hukuk-ı Milliye) and the Erzurum Society for the Defense of Rights (Müdafaa-i Hukuk). Under these circumstances, it was impossible for Atatürk and Rauf Bey to be delegates in advance. For this reason, with two delegates resigning from their duties, both of them attended the congress. Isn't Mustafa Kemal Pasha's election as congress president, despite his resignation from military service, a reflection of his acceptance by the national representatives attending there?

On the first day of the Congress, some Trabzon delegates objected to the Pasha attending the meeting in military attire. Because Atatürk did not have civilian clothes with him. Thereupon, a jacket was found from Erzurum Governor Münir Bey (Akkaya) and trousers from former Bitlis Governor Mazhar Müfit Kansu, and this clothing problem was resolved. For this reason, in the congress photographs, Atatürk's trouser legs are a bit long.

In Erzurum, the main opponent of Atatürk was Ömer Fevzi (Eyüpoğlu) Bey, one of the representatives from Trabzon-Sürmene, a member of the Freedom and Accord Party (Hürriyet ve İtilaf Fırkası). Even his own relative, Mehmet İzzet (Eyüpoğlu) Bey, a delegate from Maçka, did not support him. İzzet Bey was always by Atatürk's side at the Congress.

The reason why the Erzurum and Sivas congresses stood out more than others and held historical importance is that decisions concerning the entire country were made there. Furthermore, in Sivas, all Societies for the Defense of Rights in our country were united under one roof. Another historically important issue is that the Representative Committee (Temsil Heyeti) was elected at these two congresses. This committee functioned like a government until the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) was opened. Atatürk was also the Chairman of this Committee. Wasn't it Atatürk, on behalf of the Representative Committee, who convened the Grand National Assembly of Turkey in Ankara?

Some opponents of Atatürk and the Republic interpret the congresses held in our other cities as if they were contrary to the Erzurum and Sivas congresses. They speak carelessly without considering our country's communication, transportation, and security problems of that day. However, all congresses were aimed at the same goal. No other leader was even considered besides Atatürk. Even if some had emerged, their acceptance would have been impossible under the conditions of that day. Not all who believed in Atatürk and followed him shared the same views. The War of Independence and the Republic are the product of a broad alliance of people with different views. It is impossible to speak in the language of imperialism and its collaborators of that day and revive them. Therefore, it is Atatürk and those who believed in him who brought us to this day. The rest is nothing but empty words and service to imperialism.

Adil Hacıömeroğlu